The Invention of the Passport: Surveillance, Citizenship and the State ( Cambridge Studies in Law and Society) [John Torpey] on *FREE* shipping. Daniel Nordman THE INVENTION OF THE PASSPORT Surveillance, Citizenship and the State John Torpey University of California, Irvine □H CAMBRIDGE. The Invention of the Passport: Surveillance, Citizenship and the State. Front Cover · John Torpey, Professor of Sociology John Torpey. Cambridge University .

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Torpey Limited preview – In this process, the borders between legal scholarship and the social, political and cultural sciences have been transcended, and the result is a time of fundamental re-thinking both within and about law. Yet objections concerning the feasibility of implementing this trpey sion led the Assembly to drop it. In order to do so, they must torpeey able to construct an enduring relationship between the sundry agencies that constitute states and both the individuals they govern and possible interlopers.

Faithful to the commitments made in its name, [France] hastens to fulfill them with a generous exacti- tude. Having been penetrated, societies give up – to a greater or lesser extent – what states demand of them.

John Torpey – Wikipedia

The departmentalization of France nohn designed to achieve the aim laid out by Sieyes in September Such devices as identity papers, censuses, and travel certificates thus were not merely on a par with conscription and taxation as elements of state- building, but were in fact essential to their successful realization and 14 COMING AND GOING grew, over time, superordinate to them as tools of administration that made these other activities possible or at least enforceable.

The successful monopo- lization of the legitimate means of movement by states and the state system required the creation of elaborate bureaucracies and technolo- gies that only gradually came into existence, a trend that intensified dramatically toward the end of the nineteenth century.

The judgment of his innocence came none too soon for Montmorin, whose house was being besieged by crowds who held him responsible for facilitating the King’s getaway. This subjectivistic approach, given pow- erful impetus by the wide and much-deserved attention given to Benedict Anderson’s notion johh “imagined communities,” tends to ignore the extent to which identities must become codified and institutionalized in order to become socially significant.


The mercantilist policies pursued by these states entailed the general presupposition that population was tantamount thf, or at least convertible into, wealth and military strength.

Foucault’s writings on “governmentality” and the techniques of modern governance represent an important corrective to this tradition.

Their efforts to implement such regulation have driven them toward the creation of the means uniquely and unambiguously to identify indi- vidual persons, whether “their own” or others. The version of the law that was actually adopted required that those departing from the Kingdom- French or foreign – indicate this intention to the municipal authorities in their place of residence, and that this act be mentioned in their passports.

Insisting that the French state had delivered up the individual’s “movements and his conduct to a surveillance as extensive as it is dangerous” and that every person should be free “to breathe the air he chooses without hav- ing to ask permission from a master that can refuse him that right,” Peuchet declared passports “contrary to every principle of justice and reason” and demanded their abolition.


They were at least occasionally effective in achieving their aims. One of the most stirring and impassioned critics of the new passport law, Girardin besought his fellow deputies not to adopt such an “inquisitorial” law: Sommaire – Document suivant.

The following study seeks to demonstrate that passports and other documentary controls on movement and identification have been essential to states’ monopolization of the legitimate means of movement since the French Revolution, and that this process of monopolization passportt been a central feature of their development as states during that period.

Noiriel has made this point in the strongest possible terms with respect to immigrants: There is something splendid about defiance of government on such an impudent passsport.

This study focuses on the vicissitudes of documentary controls on movement in Western Europe and the United States from the time of the French Revolution until the relatively recent past. Far from regarding the reintroduction of passport controls as a small price to pay for defending the revolution’s larger gains, these critics saw the res- urrection of social control techniques characteristic of the ancien regimeas a reversal of the newfound freedom that the revolution had inaugurated, and therefore as likely to undermine popular support for the revolution- ary project.

On the same day, ironically, Goethe famously declared that “this date and place mark a new epoch in world history” 76 after the bedraggled French “nation in arms” defeated vastly better-trained Prussian troops in the battle at Valmy. The result of this process was that workers were deprived of the capacity to produce on their own and became dependent upon wages from the owners of the means of production for their survival.

The Passport Question in the French Revolution 21 The passport problem at the end of the Old Regime 21 The flight of the King and the revolutionary renewal of passport controls 25 The Constitution of 1 and the elimination of passport controls 29 The debate over passport controls of early 32 A detailed examination of the new passport law 36 Passports and freedom of movement under the Convention 44 Passport concerns of the Directory 51 3 Sweeping Out Augeas’s Stable: Both shipping enterprises and air carriers have frequently resisted carrying out the sheriffs deputy function, mainly because they fear that their participation in such quasi-governmental activities will hurt their profitability.

In doing so, they were responding to a considerable extent to the imperatives of territorial rule characteristic of modern states, as well as to the problem of “masterless men” 7 as personal freedom advanced. Despite the guarantee of the English subject’s freedom to depart in the Magna Carta, a statute of forbade all but peers, notable merchants, and soldiers to leave the kingdom without a license. Two more similarly rancorous days of discussion would follow before the final result was obtained.

The concept of the nation, according to Weber, entails that we may “expect from certain groups a specific senti- ment of solidarity in the face of other groups,” without there being any determinate “empirical qualities common to those who count as mem- bers of the nation. Prior to the French Revolution, for example, descriptions of a person’s social standing – residence, occupation, family status, etc.

No abstract sociological text, this work is notable for its absence of jargon and its solid grounding in historical fact.


In late November, the Convention had suspended the delivery of certificates of residence, only to adopt a few days later a decree rescinding this suspension for mer- chants and their agents who found it necessary to travel “for their commercial affairs,” and authorizing the issuance of certificates and passports to them.

Notwithstanding the documentary requirements in force in old regime France, passports had a notorious propensity to go “lost,” in which case replacements were to be secured in the area in which the traveler then found him- or herself arrangements drastically at odds with the situation today, where those who attempt to cross an interna- tional border without satisfactory documentation are normally denied entry or returned immediately to their point of departure.

Freedom of movement — United States.

John Torpey

At the same time, the social sciences have increasingly engaged with questions of inventoin. Those not so hhe were thus deprived of the freedom to employ violence against others. In an important contribution to the newly proclaimed equality of French citizens, the revolutionaries began to move during this time toward the codification of a uniform national space in which goods and persons would be permitted to circulate freely.

Some had availed themselves of forged papers to facilitate their return, and saw easily enough the usefulness of such documents for their confreres and torpeyy a much-needed source of income for them- selves. States’ efforts to monopolize the legitimate means of movement have involved a number of mutually reinforcing aspects: To paraphrase Marx, states make their own policy, “but they do not make it just as they please; they do not make it under circumstances chosen by themselves, but under circumstances directly found, given, and trans- mitted” from the outside.

The exigen- cies of rule in early modern Europe led states to take a considerable interest in strengthening their power to regulate the comings and goings of their subjects.

Indeed, I would be passporh if this study were to stimulate studies of systems of documentary controls on movement and identity in other parts of the world and in other periods.

Modern “nation-states” and the international system in which they are embedded have grown increasingly committed to and reliant upon their ability to make strict demarcations between mutually distinct bodies of citizens, as well as among different groups of their own subjects, when one or more of these groups are singled out for “special treatment.

I feel profoundly fortunate and grateful that David Abraham put us in touch, somehow intuiting – as a result of my work on passports and Jane’s on tattooing – that “you’re working on the same kind of stuff. The term “foreigner” here applied principally to French citizens from outside the capital.

In order to extract the resources they need to survive, and to compel participation in repressive forces where neces- sary, states must embrace – that is, identify and gain enduring access to – those from whom they hope to derive those resources.